Agape is . . . an overflowing love which seeks nothing in return. Theologians would say that it is the love of God operating in the human heart. So that when one rises to love on this level, he loves men not because he likes them, not because their ways appeal to him, but he loves every man because God loves him. And he rises to the point of loving the person who does an evil deed while hating the deed that the person does. I think this is what Jesus meant when he said 'love your enemies.' . . . it is this idea, it is this whole ethic of love which is the idea standing at the basis of the student movement." – Martin Luther King, Jr., 1961
On March 7, 1965, Alabama state troopers and county
sheriffs, accompanied by a posse of angry, hate-filled racists, attacked civil
rights demonstrators on the Edmund Pettis Bridge in Selma, Alabama. Armed with
clubs, cattle prods, and tear gas, the troopers were an intimidating symbol of
police brutality under cover of states’ rights that continues to haunt the
racial landscape fifty years later. The marchers that day were led by a
coalition of civil rights groups, including members of the Southern Christian
Leadership Conference (SCLC), the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), and the
Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). The protestors sought voting
rights for blacks, a right so basic that today many take it for granted. But in
1965, if you were black and lived in the South, even the simple act of registering
to vote, or trying to, could get you beaten or killed. No right was more
threatening to existing power structures than the right to vote. Southern
whites who opposed reform resorted to any means necessary to maintain their
power.
Organized efforts that sought to change laws and force
southern localities to allow blacks and minorities the right to vote were met
by obstruction, absurdly difficult “literacy” tests, intimidation, and
violence. A week before the first Selma march, Jimmie Lee Jackson, a 26-year-old
civil rights activist and deacon of his local Baptist church, was beaten and
shot in cold blood by an Alabama state trooper when he tried to protect his
grandparents from baton-wielding officers. Jackson and his grandparents had fled
to a church-run café after police forcefully ended a non-violent march for
voting rights on the streets of Marion. It was but one horrific example of the
risks and dangers of engaging in non-violent protest against a power structure that
used violence and bloodshed as a first resort.
This past weekend, we saw Selma, a powerful movie about the
movement and the marches. The film is presented from the grass-roots
perspective of the protestors who risked their lives to reform a nation, and
the leaders of a movement that changed America forever. “When evil men plot,
good men must plan,” said the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. “When evil men shout
ugly words of hatred, good men must commit themselves to the glories of love.”
I believe Selma is the most important dramatic film of the
year. Much like last year’s Lincoln, which focused on the final four months of
Lincoln’s life and the political maneuverings required to secure passage of the
Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution, Selma requires the viewer to live
inside one seminal moment over a short time frame. This compressed focus forced
the director to capture an entire historic movement, including its moral
gravity and tactical shrewdness, in three attempted marches across the Edmund
Pettis Bridge. The history of the civil rights movement by 1965 had spanned
nearly 350 years, from when slaves were first forced onto America’s shores in
1619, and the film helps us sense and feel this broader history without
directly contending with it.
As we approach the 50th anniversary of the Selma marches and
passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the timing of this movie is
particularly relevant. Just last year, the United States Supreme Court struck
down a key provision of the Voting Rights Act and Republican state legislatures
across the country – still holding tight to the mantle of states’ rights – cynically
sought to impose increased voting restrictions that disproportionately impact
the poor and minorities. By depicting the historic brutality of Alabama state
troopers, county sheriffs, and local police, a form of American terrorism depicted
accurately in the movie, the film helps explain why a racial divide still
exists in the perception of the use of force by white police officers on the
black community. And it helps us better understand why the recent events of
Ferguson, New York, and Cleveland resonated in ways more emotional than
rational, whether or not such perceptions are supported by the particular facts
of those events.
Although I believe that Selma’s portrayal of LBJ as a
secondary, and somewhat counter-productive, figure in the struggle for voting
rights was factually inaccurate and unnecessary (there is no excuse for factual
distortions in movies depicting historical events), it nevertheless captured the
essence of the relationship and tension between King and Johnson. King was an
effective, outside agitator, impatient with the progress of the slow-moving
political system. As much as LBJ desired historic voting rights legislation on
the heels of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, he was also contending with many
countervailing forces, including an obstructionist Southern bloc in the House
and Senate, the creeping war in Southeast Asia, and his commitment to the War
on Poverty, which he did not wish to jeopardize. King was at times a
distraction and thorn in the side of Johnson and other political leaders
sympathetic to King’s causes. Although the two men were in many ways closely
allied and needed each other, it was the tension between the two men which, in
the end, moved a nation in the direction of a more perfect union.
But what makes Selma such an important movie is its
portrayal of SCLC, SNCC, CORE, King and other black activists as the primary
tacticians, the movers of black liberation in the 1960s. Unlike past films,
such as Mississippi Burning, The Help, and Blindside, Selma does not depict
white people as the key agents of redemption, but instead underlines King’s
brilliance, his role as an organizer of a moral movement and symbol of American
justice. It shows King as a human being, a husband and father, a less than
perfect man in his mid-thirties trying to balance his private life with his role
as a national civil rights leader and the demands of his friends and allies. The
movie is packed with many fascinating characters that should each have a movie
of their own – Andrew Young, James Bevel, Diane Nash, John Lewis, Ralph David
Abernathy, Bayard Rustin, and many others – the people whose courage and
commitment made the movement what it was. It is a group portrait that
emphasizes how important the activists on the ground were to achieving true
social change.
Selma also portrays the impatience of Dr. King, his pleas of
“why we can’t wait,” which the daily violence against blacks in the South
brought home so forcefully. The movie opens with King receiving the Nobel Peace
Prize in Oslo, Norway, in December 1964. Only months before, three CORE civil
rights workers (James Earl Chaney, Andrew Goodman, and Michael Henry Schwerner)
had been arrested by a deputy sheriff and released into the hands of Klansman. When
the young men’s bodies were found buried in an earthen dam, it was discovered
they had been shot to death. A little more than a year before King spoke in
Oslo, four young girls were blown to bits when the 16th Street Baptist Church
in Birmingham was bombed by white supremacists. The church had been a frequent
meeting place for King, Abernathy, Fred Shuttlesworth, and other black clergy
and civil rights leaders, and had been used by SNCC and CORE to register African
American voters. In the twelve months leading up to King’s appearance in Oslo,
the homes of numerous civil rights workers throughout Mississippi, and black
churches across the state, were bombed and burned with the complicity of the
Klan and rogue law enforcement officers.
In Oslo, King accepted the Nobel Peace Prize “on behalf of a
civil rights movement which is moving with determination and a majestic scorn
for risk and danger to establish a reign of freedom and a rule of justice.” He emphasized
that the movement of which he was a part profoundly recognized that which is
required to achieve justice –
…that non-violence is the answer to the crucial political and moral question of our time – the need for man to overcome oppression and violence without resorting to violence and oppression. . . . [N]on-violence is not sterile passivity, but a powerful moral force which makes for social transformation. Sooner or later all the people of the world will have to discover a way to live together in peace, and thereby transform this pending cosmic elegy for all human conflict a method which rejects revenge, aggression and retaliation. The foundation of such a method is love.
We have come a long way as a nation since the Selma marches.
It is a testament to the strength of core American principles, a Constitution
that recognizes the principles of equality and liberty and the dignity of every
human being. But it must not be forgotten that the progress we have made did
not come easily, or without risks and dangers. And progress once made can be
taken away if we do not remain vigilant in opposing those forces that would
reverse the gains made by King and so many others. As described by A.O. Scott
in The New York Times, Selma “takes up history with its eyes very much on the
future, reminding us that the voting-rights victory nearly 50 years ago was not
inevitable and is not yet complete. The nonviolent fight against white
supremacy required not only righteous vision but also strategic insight and
tactical discipline. The ideology that would sanction the beating and killing
of black Americans who dared to assert their citizenship has not vanished,
though its methods, language and partisan affiliations may have changed since
1965.”
Selma is an important film because it documents a momentous
time in American history, helps us empathize with all the people, black and
white, who put their bodies and lives on the line in support of a cause that
was simple and just, and reminds us of how fragile the freedom is we so cherish.
“Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly,” said King. “I can
never be what I ought to be until you are what you ought to be. This is the
interrelated structure of reality.”