When I read last week of the death of Ben Bradlee, executive
editor of The Washington Post from 1965 to 1991, I felt like I had lost a
friend. I did not know Ben Bradlee and was never so much as in the same room as
him. But he is among a very small group of men whom I have admired and
respected from a distance, and perhaps even envied, if just a little. “Nobody’s
had that kind of fun,” Bradlee once said about his own life. “It’s illegal.”
Bradlee engendered enthusiasm and a zest for life. He was
style and substance. He possessed the gruff street smarts of an international
jewel thief and the elegance of an upper crust Harvard man. He combined grace
and sincerity, intelligence and unpretentiousness. He was, as Douglass Cater of
The Reporter once said, “Humphrey Bogart in a button-down shirt.” He swore like
the ex-sailor he was, and especially disliked pompous asses, liars and phonies.
And I always liked that about him.
He inspired a generation of young reporters, men and women
who entered journalism because of the Pentagon Papers, or Watergate, or after
watching All the President’s Men. Bradlee epitomized what it means to be a news
reporter – tough but fair, willing to take risks but careful with the facts,
never willing to sacrifice the truth for a political or social agenda. He was
all about getting the story and getting it right. “There’s nothing like a good
story,” he once said. “If it’s true, and if you’ve got it, and you can get some
more, you’re in business.”
In The Powers that Be (Laurel, 1979), David Halberstam wrote of Bradlee that,
“if someone were looking for a dashing, somewhat rakish journalist, then
Bradlee was perfect for the part.” Perhaps “more than anyone else in
contemporary journalism, [Bradlee] was good at the theater of his profession,
the style, the timing, the sense of his audience, whether it was the larger
audience outside or his peers inside.” He was not interested in politics in the
classic sense and prided himself on his political neutrality. He was interested
in the tactics of politics, but deeply suspicious of journalists committed to
political causes. He loved a good story, one filled with human frailty and
imperfection, drama and sex appeal. And he believed, like Walter Lippmann, that
journalism must not only provide the facts and breaking news, but must also
explain things, embrace ideas, and place the news in context.
Bradlee became famous in 1971 when he presided over The Post’s
decision to publish the Pentagon Papers, the 7,000-page study commissioned by former
Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara on the history of U.S. involvement in
Vietnam from 1945 to 1967. The historical import of the documents was
explosive, for they proved that many of the government’s official
pronouncements about American involvement in the war were, in fact, incomplete
and untrue. The Post was caught by surprise when The New York Times published
the first three installments of the classified material secretly obtained from the
Harvard educated defense analyst and anti-war activist Daniel Ellsberg. But
after the Nixon administration took The Times to court and convinced a federal
judge to enjoin future publication of the Pentagon Papers on the grounds of
national security, Ellsberg released the documents into Bradlee’s possession.
The decision to publish the Pentagon Papers put the
Washington Post Company at great risk. The company was days from a public stock
offering and its lucrative television licenses were vulnerable if the paper committed a felony, which many of its lawyers claimed it would be doing. Publishing
the papers after a federal judge had already ruled that their release
potentially violated the Espionage Act of 1917 would make The Post’s decision
to publish all the more egregious. Bradlee nevertheless insisted that they had
no choice but to defy the government and publish documents that were of great historical
significance and which most certainly did not undermine national security (a
determination later vindicated by virtually everyone who has examined them
since, including the Nixon administration’s lawyer who argued the case before
the Supreme Court). To not publish was safe, but it would leave The Times out
to dry and strengthen the government’s hand. Katherine Graham sided with Bradlee.
So, the day after The New York Times became the first newspaper
in U.S. history censored by the federal government, The Washington Post picked
up where The Times had left off. Two weeks later, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled for
The Times and against the Justice Department (The Post won its own legal
battles in the federal district and appellate courts in Washington, DC). The
First Amendment, freedom of the press, and the United States were the winners,
thanks in part to Bradlee’s determined and unbending grit and devotion to
principle.
Watergate, of course, is what really made Bradlee famous,
although to this day, many picture Jason Robards in All the President’s Men whenever
Bradlee’s name is invoked. The Watergate story, like the Pentagon Papers, was
about exposing government cover-ups and concealment of the truth. It concerned
the arrogance and abuse of power, matters of far greater interest to Bradlee
than the political and moral dimensions of what started out as a third-rate burglary
at a luxury condominium. “It was a helluva story,” said Bradlee, “that’s what
it was. And it was waiting for somebody to turn the key – and Bob and Carl did
that.”
For me, however, it was Bradlee’s role as the hard-nosed
editor and skeptic that made The Post such an important player in that drama.
Bradlee insisted on fact checking and double checking, and he pushed Woodward
and Bernstein to make certain they had reliable sources, corroboration, and
unassailable facts. It is an ethical standard honored more in the breach in
today’s world of internet "gotcha" journalism, which seems interested only in
publishing first and confirming later. As flawed as the mainstream press is, and
there is no question they make their share of mistakes, there is a reason I put
far more trust into what is written in The New York Times and The Washington
Post and similar bastions of professional journalism than I do in the many
varieties of advocacy, caused-based journalism on the internet. Those sources
have their place in a vibrant democracy, but it is the loss of standards that
has hurt us the most, and Bradlee did not stand for it.
Although he was a far more skilled editor than writer, over
the years I have read and enjoyed two books by Bradlee. Conversations with Kennedy
(W.W. Norton and Company, 1975), based on Bradlee’s personal notes and
reflections of his off-the-record talks and friendship with John Kennedy, is a rare
and candid window into the relationship between two fascinating men who played
important, if highly different roles in modern American history. And A Good
Life (Simon & Schuster, 1995), Bradlee’s memoirs about his life and times
in the world of journalism, is a penetrating behind-the-scenes look into the
seminal events of the twentieth century and the workings of a modern American
newspaper. Bradlee was not an eloquent writer. He avoided flowery prose and did
not expound on political theory or journalistic principles. He wrote much as he
spoke, with clarity, intelligence, and bluntness. But you could not help but
like him. And he sure did live an interesting life.
Bradlee recognized that he “had been dealt an awfully good
hand by the powers that be. A hand that gave me a ringside seat at some of the
century’s most vital moments.” His life was not always easy; he survived polio
as a teenager and more than three years on a destroyer in the South Pacific
during World War II. But so much of his life after that benefited from good
luck and good fortune. He landed a job at The Washington Post only after he
skipped an interview with The Baltimore Sun simply because it was raining so
hard when the train stopped in Baltimore that he decided to head straight to
Washington instead. It was pure fortuity that he and his first wife, Tony,
bought a house in Georgetown a few months before Senator and Mrs. John F. Kennedy
purchased a townhome a few doors away. He was in the right place at the right
time when Katherine Graham was looking for an editor to help transition The
Post from a good paper to a great one. “I have thought hard about the role of
luck in my life,” reflected Bradlee, “and come to the simple conclusion that I
have been wonderfully lucky.” And I like that he recognized that fact.
In reading about Bradlee since his death, I have developed
an even greater appreciation for the man and his journalistic instincts, his charm
and humor. He could be a tough taskmaster as editor, but according to Martha
Sherrill, who spent a decade writing for The Post’s Style section, Bradlee
“despised overstepping and sensationalizing. He hated the cheap move that
covered up a lack of legwork. And when an ordinary citizen – not an elected
official or public person – was being written about, he insisted on sensitivity
and compassion.” Sherrill wrote about how once, at an annual retreat for The
Post management team, Bradlee introduced the father of a young woman who had
been the subject of a negative news story. Bradlee wanted the paper’s top
editors to understand how a Washington Post story affects, in real life, the
people who are the subjects of its stories. “Tell me again why we’re running
this?” Bradlee would ask whenever someone’s job or reputation was at stake.
“Tell me again why we need to ruin this person’s life?”
When I moved to Washington in 1982 to attend law school, I
began reading The Washington Post nearly every day. It was a great all-around
paper, with crisp writing, a strong core of journalists who comprehensively covered
U.S. and world news and national politics. It also had decent local coverage
and a good sports section, and by then had mastered the Style section, which under
Bradlee’s leadership encouraged more creativity than was typical of a daily
newspaper. He allowed his reporters to write freely and originally about
culture and society and how people conducted their lives. “We wanted to look at
the culture of America as it was changing in front of our eyes,” Bradlee explained
in A Good Life. “The sexual revolution, the drug culture, the women’s movement.
And we wanted it to be interesting, exciting, different.” And it was.
My New York friends often disparaged The Post, as if it was
a second cousin to The Times, but they were wrong. Sure, The Times was a more
somber paper, its international coverage second to none, but it was not a
hometown paper and its writing was often dry and uninteresting. The Post could
do almost everything The Times did without sacrificing a sense of style and service
to the local metropolitan area. Bradlee’s touch was all over it. And I loved
it. When in 1995 I moved to the Philadelphia area, I missed the newspaper as
much as anything else about Washington.
Being a newspaper reporter or an editor is often a mundane,
exhausting job. To the people who worked for him, Bradlee made it seem fun. At
Bradlee’s funeral service on Wednesday at the National Cathedral, long-time
reporter Walter Pincus told the story of how he once walked into Bradlee’s
office to ask for a raise. Bradlee had his feet on his desk, paper and pen in
hand as he leaned back in his chair, his face intently focused on his work.
When Pincus was through making his case, Bradlee never looked up, but simply
replied, “You should pay me for all the fun you’re having.” As Pincus said at the
funeral, “He was right.”
I cannot but help sense that the death of Ben Bradlee is an
end of an era in American journalism. Like Bradlee, I also appreciate a good
story, one that captures the human dimensions behind the larger political and
social events. But his insistence on good journalism, on fact checking and
objectivity, his commitment to transparency and the search for truth, raised the
bar for all of us. And it made us more careful with accusations and
allegations. He improved our standards
and added style to our lives. He is gone now, and the world is a little smaller.
I will miss him.
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